Debating Civil-Military Relations in Latin America by David Mares & Rafael Martínez

Author:David Mares & Rafael Martínez [Mares, David & Martínez, Rafael]
Language: eng
Format: epub
Tags: Political Science, Comparative Politics, American Government, General
ISBN: 9781845195915
Google: 6dHMAQAACAAJ
Goodreads: 32479099
Publisher: Sussex Academic Press
Published: 2014-01-01T00:00:00+00:00

Arms Race or Triumph of the Military?

According to the literature, an arms race is understood to occur between two or more countries in which their programs of military rearmament are competitive and motivated by the perceived threat of the other.31 If one follows this definition, the increases seen in defense spending in Latin America appear to be due to other causes and not an objection to the acquisitions made by any neighboring country. It is difficult to argue that Brazil’s purchases are oriented towards dissuading Argentina from a possible attack, or that Chile is buying aircraft to deter an offensive action by Argentina. There is no internal spiral in the balance of power that could imply that the South American countries should arm themselves to match the military power of their neighbors.

Some of the justifications given to explain these increases in spending cite the need for modernization or to replace old arsenals; the existence of a higher level of national income due to the growth in commodity prices; a greater degree of international involvement by the region, which obliges countries to cooperate internationally with more modern armed forces; a domestic arms industry; or the fact of having overcome the civil–military conflicts of the early period of transition to democracy, which justifies the re-equipping of armed forces that have been through periods of adjustment.32

It is a fact that since arms spending in the region reached its lowest point, in 1997, all the countries of Latin America have increased their defense spending. Nevertheless, this has not been translated into political power. For example, Chile has gained a degree of international prominence that is almost unthinkable in terms of its size and its practical capabilities. However, it did not do so because it bought 50 Leopard tanks, 18 new F-16s, or 30 more second-hand, or three three-dimensional fixed radar installations. Instead this has been due to the correct functioning of its institutions, its legal transparency, its combating of corruption and its social policies. It has not become the foremost strategic ally in the region of the European Union, or a commercial ally of the United States and Mexico, by investing its resources from copper production in armaments, but through being stable and predictable.

Similarly, Peru will not resolve its problems with Chile by promoting its possession of MiG-29 and Mirage 2000 aircraft, acquired via new agreements with Russia and France, nor will Venezuela be more powerful than Brazil in spite of having eleven submarines, more than double the numbers in the Brazilian fleet, nor will Brazil secure its much-desired seat on the Security Council of the United Nations by having increased its defense budget by 53 percent.

If we place ourselves in the context of security thinking, there are good arguments to justify buying armaments. Colombia is still carrying on an interminable war with guerrillas and paramilitaries, and both have the capacity to control parts of its territory; Brazil has a geographical extent and a wealth in minerals, energy and biodiversity that obliges governments to create instruments to protect them.

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